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By all accounts, the Nov. 7 elections were bad news for Republicans, but just how bad? Of the 435 Congressional representatives, 37 senators and 37 governors elected, Republicans failed to unseat a single incumbent Democrat.
Janet Boles, professor of political science, said scandals, voter frustration with Iraq and disillusionment with the Bush administration's portrayal of the war all helped create a perfect storm of headaches for Republicans.
"There was a convergence of dissatisfaction," she said.
In the election's aftermath, the Tribune took a look at a few key races to see why they played out the way they did.
The race: James Webb (D) against George Allen (R-Incumbent)for a Virginia Senate seat.
The outcome: Webb edged Allen by 7,000 votes — about a quarter of a percentage point — in the last Senate race called. His win gave Democrats a 51-49 majority in the Senate.
How Webb won: Webb, a former Republican, staked out centrist stances on a number of issues, scoring points with the Virginia electorate with pro-gun ownership views and a tough stance on illegal immigration.
How Allen lost: Can you say "macaca?" Allen can and did, in a botched encounter with one of Webb's staffers that wound up on tape.
The staffer, who Allen said he was trying to welcome to America, was of Indian descent but born and raised in Virginia. "Macaca" is considered a racial slur in Francophone African countries.
Boles said the incident led to a watershed of negative press on Allen's history with racial issues, including questions about whether he had used racial slurs in college.
Allen had been expected to win the race easily on the way to a potential White House run.
The race: Nick Lampson (D) against Sekula Gibbs (R) in Texas' 22nd Congressional District.
The outcome: Lampson cruised to a 10-point win over Gibbs, taking the seat once occupied by former House Majority Leader Tom DeLay.
Why it mattered: While agressive redistricting may have made re-election more difficult than usual for DeLay, his involvement in the Jack Abramoff lobbyist scandal forced him to step down, rendering the issue moot.
A similar scenario played out in Florida's 16th Congressional District, where Republican Mark Foley had the upper hand in his bid for re-election before allegations surfaced that he had exchanged sexually explicit text messages with underage Congressional page boys.
Because ballots had already been printed when Foley's scandal broke, his name appeared on the ballot. This helped spur Democratic challenger Timothy Mahoney to a win.
Graham Wilson, head of the political science department at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, said such scandals helped tip a number of races that might not have otherwise been close.
The race: Arizona's Proposition 107, which would have amended the state's constitution to bar same-sex marriage and prevent the state from creating a legal status similar to marriage for unmarried persons.
The outcome: With around 51 percent of voters saying no, Arizona became the first state to defeat a marriage amendment.
Why they voted no: Bole said the state's strong libertarian inclination against government regulation of private life factored heavily into the amendment's defeat, with almost two-thirds of independents voting no.
William Dixon, head of the Department of Political Science at the University of Arizona, said the amendment's downfall lay in its provisions that would have banned government benefits for all unmarried couples.
He said anti-amendment groups focused especially on the potential effects on unmarried senior citizens living together.
Only 55 percent of voters 65 and over voted yes on the Arizona amendment, compared to 71 percent of seniors who did so in Wisconsin and 84 percent in Tennessee.
What's next: In January, a new party will take control of both houses of Congress for the first time since 1994.
Wilson said the Democrats' best chance for success lies in advancing a limited, popular agenda, including MediCare reform and a raise in the minimum wage.
"I think the name of the game for the Dems is to keep producing practical, achievable policy initiatives," he said.
Boles said President Bush would be hard-pressed to veto such measures, which enjoy widespread popular support.
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